USA news on Youtube Sep 1 2017

Thailand's hopes of democracy are receding

WHEN Yingluck Shinawatra, a former prime minister of Thailand, fled the country a few days ago, she left more than an empty chair in the Supreme Court behind.

On August 25th she had been due to hear the verdict in a case against her for negligence in a rice-subsidy scheme she ran while in office that cost the government around $16bn.

Though she was ousted in a coup in 2014, Ms Yingluck had remained a symbolic figure for opponents of the junta. The generals will not be sorry she has gone.

The scene at the courthouse—and Ms Yingluck's absence from it—epitomised the shambles that Thai politics has descended into. When she failed to turn up, the judge said he did not believe her lawyer's claim that she was ill and demanded her arrest.

Despite Ms Yingluck's poor record in office, and a very heavy police presence, many thousands of her fans turned up at the courthouse hoping to catch a glimpse of her (one of them is pictured, after hearing news of the escape of her hero whose face is on her shirt).

Ms Yingluck fled to Dubai, where her billionaire brother Thaksin Shinawatra, who was prime minister between 2001 and 2006, himself fled 11 years ago before the conclusion of a graft case.

The family's influence reflects the narrowness of the country's political class. Since 2001 the Shinawatra clan has won every election held in the country that the generals have permitted to take place.

Critics of Ms Yingluck claim that her brother continued to pull the strings from his self-imposed exile during his sister's rule.

Like him, she pursued populist policies, such as the rice scheme, which pleased their largely rural supporters, known as "red shirts", and angered royalist rivals, or "yellow shirts".

A thrice-delayed general election is due to be held next year. But Ms Yingluck's departure bodes ill for any hope of renewing Thailand's democracy.

Without her, the red shirts have no political figurehead, says Michael Montesano of the Institute of South-East Asian Studies, a think-tank in Singapore. Her flight will further demoralise the already weak Pheu Thai party she heads.

Without Ms Yingluck, the ruling junta may find it easier to maintain a tight grip. It has dodged the dilemma of imprisoning a much-loved politician, or freeing her and undermining its own authority.

Corruption, such as that which plagued the rice scheme on Ms Yingluck's watch, was cited by the junta as one justification for its coup.

(On the day of Ms Yingluck's no-show, Thailand's generals had the satisfaction of seeing a 42-year sentence imposed by the Supreme Court on her former commerce minister for offences related to those that she was alleged to have committed.).

But there are potential troubles ahead for the junta. In just two months the cremation will take place of the country's much loved king, Bhumibol Adulyadej, who died in 2016.

He was succeeded by his less popular son, Maha Vajiralongkorn. More drama from the Shinawatra clan could disrupt the careful choreography of the event.

For more infomation >> Thailand's hopes of democracy are receding |News General - Duration: 4:27.

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Overhaul of Indian Army is good, now also integrate the three services - Duration: 2:53.

The recently-concluded Doklam standoff is a stern warning of the importance of a credible

military capacity.

One of the continuing problems in the Indian military is the excessive number of civilian

personnel in its ranks.

This means that despite the impressive statistic of having a million plus military, less than

half are actually combat personnel.

The Narendra Modi government has reportedly ordered the implementation of many of the

recommendations of the Shekatkar committee which seeks to redress this problem.

If properly implemented, it would result in India adding an additional three divisions

without having to increase the number of overall personnel.

The Indian military's 'tooth-to-tail' ratio stands today at about one soldier to

1.15 civilians, when the number should preferably be reversed.

Even using more refined measures doesn't help the country's ranking.

A McKinsey study, using 2008 data from the Institute of International Strategic Studies,

showed that in a country like Israel the combat plus combat support component of the military

was 44%.

Relatively, pacific Japan scored 40% while China had a figure of 34%.

India, however, came in at a lowly 25%.

The expectation is that technological and infrastructure improvements will mean a more

streamlined communications and transport system.

Similar recommendations have been made over the decades.

The Krishna Rao committee was able to abolish stretcher-bearers and animal transport units

in the 1980s.

But the real reforms required are still being avoided by the government.

The most important is the integration of the three services.

For example, the army, air force and navy wastefully have their own separate logistics

networks which results in considerable redundancy and even more waste.

Tri-service integration and the creation of theatre commands remains a bridge too far

it seems even though it would arguably do more to enhance India's combat readiness

than almost any other policy change.

At least the military will have a powerful incentive to do its best to implement the

changes.

The number of personnel has been effectively capped and the services recognise that whatever

is saved in terms of expenditure will be used to purchase capital equipment – guns, airplanes

and ships that remain the brass' number one demand.

Military reforms are among the most difficult to carry out because of the sensitivities

concerned and the web of vested interests that will oppose change in any form.

Given their importance to national security, however, the government would do well to put

the Shekatkar recommendations on the fast lane.